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Basic Shelton tasked General Tommy Franks, the brand new commander of CENTCOM, to look once more at the cheapest rent a car dubai choices. For the primary time, Clarke’s numerous proposals-for help to the Northern Alliance and the Uzbeks and for Predator missions-went earlier than the group that, in the Bush NSC, would do most of the coverage work.Though they made no decisions on these specific proposals, Hadley apparently concluded that there must be a presidential nationwide security policy directive (NSPD) on terrorism.188 Clarke would later express irritation about the deputies’ insistence that a technique for coping with al Qaeda be framed within the context of a regional policy. Since Bin Don knew only just a little Arabic, he needed to rely closely on Bayoumi to translate for him.15 Mihdhar and Hazmi said they have been students from Saudi Arabia who had simply arrived within the United States to review English.They mentioned they were living in an residence near the restaurant however didn't specify the tackle.They did not like Los Angeles and had been having a tough time, especially because they did not know anyone.Bayoumi advised them how pleasant San Diego was and offered to help them settle there.The 2 pairs then left the restaurant and went their separate ways.16 Bayoumi and Bin Don have been interviewed many occasions concerning the February 1, 2000, lunch. Alternatively,Thumairy undoubtedly met with and offered religious counseling to numerous people during his tenure at the King Fahd mosque, so he might not remember two transients like Hazmi and Mihdhar a number of years later.Thirteen The circumstantial evidence makes Thumairy a logical individual to think about as a doable contact for Hazmi and Mihdhar.Yet, after exploring the available leads, we have not found proof that Thumairy provided help to the two operatives.14 We don't pick up their path till February 1, 2000, once they encountered Omar al Bayoumi and Caysan Bin Don at a halal meals restaurant on Venice Boulevard in Culver City, a few blocks away from the King Fahd mosque.Bayoumi and Bin Don have both instructed us that they had driven up from San Diego earlier that day in order that Bayoumi could deal with a visa problem and acquire some papers from the Saudi consulate.

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In detention, KSM denies that al Qaeda had any agents in Southern California.We don't credit score this denial.4We believe it's unlikely that Hazmi and Mihdhar-neither of whom, in distinction to the Hamburg group, had any prior exposure to life in the West-would have come to the United States without arranging to obtain assistance from a number of individuals informed upfront of their arrival.5 KSM says that though he instructed others involved in the conspiracy to steer clear of mosques and to avoid establishing personal contacts, he made an exception on this case and instructed Hazmi and Mihdhar to pose as newly arrived Saudi students and seek assistance at local mosques.He counted on their breaking off any such relationships once they moved to the East Coast.6 Our inability to ascertain the activities of Hazmi and Mihdhar throughout their first two weeks in the United States might reflect al Qaeda tradecraft designed to protect the identification of anybody who may have assisted them throughout that interval. He doubted that the advantages would compensate for the time lost.The administration had actually proceeded with Principals Committee conferences on subjects together with Iraq and Sudan without prior contextual overview, and Clarke favored moving forward similarly with a slim counterterrorism agenda.189 However the President’s senior advisers saw the al Qaeda downside as part of a puzzle that could not be assembled without filling in the pieces for Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Bin Ladin continued to be elusive.They felt, just as they had for the previous two years, that hitting inexpensive and rudimentary training camps with pricey missiles would not do a lot good and might even assist al Qaeda if the strikes failed to kill Bin Ladin.152 In late 2000, the CIA and the NSC staff started pondering in regards to the counterterrorism coverage agenda they'd current to the new administration.The Counterterrorist Center put down its finest ideas for the longer term, assuming it was freed from any prior coverage or monetary constraints.The paper was therefore infor- 196 THE 9/11 Commission REPORT mally referred to as the “Blue Sky” memo; it was sent to Clarke on December 29.The memo proposed • A major effort to support the Northern Alliance by intelligence sharing and increased funding so that it could stave off the Taliban army and tie down al Qaeda fighters.This effort was not meant to remove the Taliban from power, a goal that was judged impractical and too expensive for the CIA alone to attain. It was important to sound policymaking, she felt, that Clarke’s interagency committee-like all others-report to the principals by means of the deputies.167 Rice made an preliminary choice to hold over both Clarke and his entire counterterrorism employees, a call that she referred to as uncommon for a brand new administration.

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Issues did not go to the principals until the deputies had been unable to resolve them. Revisiting these points tried the persistence of some of the officials who felt they'd already been down these roads and who found the NSC’s procedures slow.“We weren’t going quick sufficient,”Armitage informed us. Rice had requested University of Virginia history professor Philip Zelikow to advise her on the transition.165 Hadley and Zelikow requested Clarke and his deputy,Roger Cressey, for a special briefing on the terrorist threat and the way Clarke’s Transnational Threats Directorate and Counterterrorism Security Group functioned.166 In the NSC during the primary Bush administration, many robust points were addressed at the extent of the Deputies Committee. Louis Freeh, who had statutory ten-year tenure,would stay director of the FBI until his voluntary retirement in the summer time of 2001. Bush and his principal advisers had all acquired briefings on terrorism, together with Bin Ladin. Taliban, arguing that such a course would take time however would produce results. For secretary of state, Bush selected Normal Colin Powell, who had been national safety advisor for President Ronald Reagan after which chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Workers.

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